THE HANDSOME - RAPHAEL LAZZINI

HAPPY INDEPENDENCE DAY BRAZIL

Secretary Clinton’s Remarks on Brazil’s Independence Day

One hundred and eighty-eight years ago, the United States was the very first country to recognize Brazil’s independence. This September 7th, we again join Brazilians around the world in celebrating your rich culture, your history of achievement, and to honor the close friendship between our two countries.


When I visited Brazil in March, I had the opportunity to meet with leaders in government, the private sector, students, and so many others working to improve the quality of life for all Brazilians. Brazil’s leadership on climate change and clean energy, on food security and income equality, on social inclusion and education has earned regional and international recognition. Your upcoming elections are an opportunity to demonstrate once again that respect for democratic governance, civil rights and individual liberties is the surest path to prosperity. These common values are the foundation for the strong partnership between our countries as we work together to address the regional and global challenges of our time.

Whether you celebrate this day by watching the parade on the Esplanada, or enjoying the air show in the skies of Brasilia, or simply gathering with friends and family, you represent the progress that Brazil has made and will continue to make in the years ahead. I wish all Brazilians a safe and happy Independence Day celebration. And I look forward to continuing the close relationship between our countries, not only this year but in the years ahead, as we work together toward a safer, more peaceful, prosperous world.

Surce by http://still4hill.wordpress.com/

Celebrating Brazil's Day of Independence! - September 7

When the Spanish explorer Vicente Yáñez Pinzón drifted ashore in northern Brazil in January 1500, he sawthe Amazon, but could claim none of it for Spain, according to the terms of the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillaswhich divided the Americas (and the rest of the world) between Spain and Portugal. Instead, Portuguese explorer Pedro Álvares Cabral who came ashore in May 1500, is recognized as the discoverer of Brazil.The first settlement was founded until 1532 as São Vicente founded in 1532.

Steadily pushing the indigenous tribes back over the next three centuries, the Portuguese colonists planted sugar plantations, imported slaves from Africa, exploited the vast stands of lumber, built cities and mined gold and other minerals and gemstones and became extraordinarily wealthy.

With Napoleon and the Peninsular Wars, and the invasion and occupation of Spain and Portugal, Dom João VI, the seventeenth king of Portugal, fled Lisbon and established his court in Rio de Janeiro, where for the next 13 years, he ruled Portugal’s Asian, African, and American colonies. Although Dom João VI (1769-1826) never ruled over an independent Brazil, historians call him the "Founder of the Brazilian Nationality." One of his major contributions to the growth of Brazil was opening the colony's ports to free trade with friendly nations, thus signaling a marked change in trade and the resulting improved consequence of Brazil. Additionally, Dom João VI spearheaded the founding of the Academia Naval (Naval Academy), Hospital Militar (Military Hospital), Arquivo Militar (Military Archives), Jardim Botânico (Botanic Garden), Intendência Geral de Polícia (Police Commissariat), Real Biblioteca (Royal Library), the Banco do Brasil (Bank of Brazil), and the gunpowder factory. With the defeat of Napoleon in 1815, he thought it safe to make Brazil another kingdom equal to Portugal. He also decided to remain in Brazil.

The Portuguese government disagreed with both decisions and in 1820 sent troops to assist his relocation to Portugal where the army headed a revolution designed to bring about a constitutional government with Dom João as the constitutional monarch. Dom João returned to Portugal, leaving his 23-year-old son Pedro as prince regent of Brazil. Pedro actively engaged in enlisting support from both able advisors and the people of Brazil.

With revolutions and the desire for independence active in other Latin American countries, Pedro realized Brazil would soon wish for the same. With the support of the Brazilian people and the Brazilian Senate who had bestowed on him the title of Defensor e Protetor Perpétuo do Brasil, Protector and Perpetual Defender of Brazil, he defied an order to return to Portugal. When the Portuguese parliament wished to return Brazil to colonial status, Pedro seized the moment. On September 7, 1822, after receiving orders from the Portuguese parliament limiting his powers in Brazil, Pedro declared Brazil’s independence near the Ipiranga River in São Paulo. Tearing the Portuguese blue and white insignia from his uniform, Pedro drew his sword, and swore: "By my blood, by my honor, and by God: I will make Brazil free." Their motto, he said, would be Independência ou Morte, Independence or Death! This statement is known as the Grito do Ipiranga.

Pedro de Alcântara Francisco Antônio João Carlos Xavier de Paula Miguel Rafael Joaquim José Gonzaga Pascoal Cipriano Serafim de Bragança e Bourbom, became Dom Pedro I, the first emperor of Brazil and ruled for nine years.

Dom Pedro hired Admiral Thomas Cochrane, one of Britain's most successful naval commanders in the Napoleonic Wars and recently commander of the Chilean naval forces against Spain and others to drive the Portuguese out of Bahia, Maranhão, and Pará, and to force those areas to replace Lisbon's rule with that of Rio de Janeiro.

After a series of skirmishes and setbacks, international recognition of Brazil came when Britain and Portugal recognized Brazilian independence by signing a treaty on August 29, 1825. However, internal politics, wars with neighboring countries and the difficulties of establishing an independent country led to Dom Pedro I’s abdication in 1831. Leaving his five year old son, Pedro de Alcantara João Carlos Leopoldo Salvador Bibiano Franciso Xavier de Paula Leocadio Miguel Gabriel Rafael Gonzaga de Bragança e Borbón (1825-1891), in the care of three regents, Dom Pedro sailed to Europe.

The regency was an uneasy one but when Dom Pedro II was crowned emperor on July 18, 1841 at the age of 14, it was hoped that the second empire would be one of national unity, peace, and prosperity. Dom Pedro II reigned for 49 years and is acknowledged as one of the most able monarchs of his time. He ruled until 1889 when Brazil was proclaimed a Republic. celebrating Brazil's Day of Independence!

Source by Bonnie Hamre, former About.com Guide

Celebrate the Brazilian Father's Day

Happy Father's Day! I know it sounds weird but believe it,Father's day is celebrated on the 8th of August every year in Brazil.



Thanks for being My Father ...



Source By www.birdabble.com (cartoon)

Trailer-3 do novo DVD da Fumaça - voando no Rio de Janeiro

Ah, este Brasil lindo e trigueiro: Romulo Arantes Neto

Ah, este Brasil lindo e trigueiro: Diego Cristo

Ah, este Brasil lindo e trigueiro.: Bruno Senna

Pouca-vergonha

A Polícia Federal apurou desvio de cerca de R$ 700 milhões em 303 obras públicas no Brasil. A denúncia é de extrema gravidade

por João Doria Jr.

A denúncia do jornal “Folha de S. Paulo” é de extrema gravidade. A cada R$ 10 periciados pela PF, R$ 3 foram desviados para a propinagem. Rodovias, aeroportos, saneamento, pavimentação e portos. Obras deste quilate garantiram aos corruptos e corruptores quase R$ 1 bilhão de superfaturamento. Só no aeroporto de Goiânia, o relatório da PF registrou desvio de R$ 48 milhões. Triste o país que convive com tanta corrupção. Desviar recursos, afrontar o contribuinte e desafiar a opinião pública virou o esporte preferido de muitos políticos. Mas todo roubo acaba sendo flagrado algum dia. Não é mesmo, governador José Roberto Arruda? Os que acreditam na impunidade, não perdem por esperar.
Source by Isto é Dinheiro - Nº edição: 649 | 12.MAR -

A DREAM FINALLY COMES TRUE - NEW LINE 4 YELLOW - SAO PAULO CITY

EXTREME HUMOR

G1: ‘Alexandre, o Grande, era homossexual e a tropa obedecia’, diz ex-sargento gay

O ex-sargento do Exército Fernando de Alcântara Figueiredo, envolvido no primeiro caso assumido de um casal gay na história das Forças Armadas brasileiras, afirmou que o general Raymundo Nonato de Cerqueira Filho, indicado ao Superior Tribunal Militar, fez uma declaração “retrógrada e infeliz” sobre os homossexuais e que “está muito mal informado” – confira ao lado entrevista concedida por Figueiredo à Globo News



Ao G1, Fernando de Alcântara Figueiredo rebateu: “Isso mostra que ele desconhece a história. Alexandre, o Grande, era homossexual e a tropa obedecia. Trabalhei 15 anos nas Forças Armadas e nunca fui desrespeitado”, afirmou. Alexandre, o Grande, foi rei da Macedônia há mais de 2.300 anos e é lembrado por sua habilidade em estratégias militares por ter comandado uma das maiores expansões territoriais do mundo antigo. Algumas fontes históricas e filmes sobre a época relatam a homossexualidade de Alexandre.

O ex-sargento Figueiredo , que chegou a ser preso e responde a processo após assumir sua sexualidade enquanto atuava no Exército, disse que enviará manifestação ao presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e à Comissão de Constituição de Justiça do Senado para evitar que o general seja nomeado para o tribunal.

Para Figueiredo, a declaração do general mostra que ele “não tem qualificação para ser juiz”. “A primeira coisa para esse cargo é a imparcialidade e o respeito à pessoa humana e outra qualificação é não ser preconceituoso. Isso poderia ter sido voltado contra negros, ou pessoas com deficiência.”

Figueiredo pediu para sair do Exército em julho de 2008. Atualmente, é integrante da ONG Tortura Nunca Mais e do Instituto Ser, que visa defender os direitos do homossexual.

Ele afirmou que há diversos casos de homossexualismo nas Forças Armadas, mas os militares temem assumir. “Meu caso e o de Laci não é específico e isolado, tem várias demandas desse tipo e precisamos trazer isso para a sociedade, que a intransigência é coisa comum nas Forças Armadas. (…) Numa situação de batalha, o meu sangue como homossexual é tão importante quanto o de um heterossexual. O que dita o caráter não é a vida íntima. É muita hipocrisia. Eu mesmo conheço generais que são homossexuais.”

Figueiredo apareceu ao lado de seu companheiro, Laci de Araújo, na Revista “Época” em 2008, quando os dois assumiram que mantinham um relacionamento homossexual . Laci foi acusado de deserção por ter ficado mais de uma semana longe do trabalho e foi preso, mas atualmente está trabalhando no Exército.

Declaração
O general Cerqueira Filho, autor da declaração polêmica, foi indicado para ocupar uma vaga de ministro do Superior Tribunal Militar (STM). Na terça, ele participou de audiência na Comissão de Constituição e Justiça do Senado. Cerqueira Filho e o almirante Álvaro Luiz Pinto, também indicado a uma vaga no STM, participavam da audiência quando foram questionados pelo senador Demóstenes Torres (DEM-GO) e Eduardo Suplicy (PT-SP) sobre o tema.



“Vossas excelências são favoráveis ao ingresso de homossexuais em qualquer das forças e acham que essa polêmica tem razão de ser?”, indagou Demóstenes. Suplicy quis saber se os dois militares defendiam a exclusão de homossexuais das Forças Armadas.

Em sua resposta, o general Cerqueira Filho disse que iria responder “de uma maneira sincera”. “Não é que eu seja contra o homossexual, cada um tem que viver sua vida. Entretanto, a vida militar se reveste de determinadas características que, em meu entender, tipos de atividades que, inclusive em combate, pode não se ajustar ao comportamento desse tipo de indivíduo”, afirmou.

Estados Unidos
A polêmica sobre homossexuais nas Forças Armadas não é exclusividade brasileira. Nos Estados Unidos, o tema está em discussão no governo. O secretário de Defesa do país, Robert Gates, disse nesta terça-feira diante do Senado que um grupo de trabalho vai estudar a possível anulação de uma lei de 1993 que proíbe o ingresso de homossexuais nas Forças Armadas do país.

via G1

Source by http://gay.com.br, Kobakobamaru (youtube)

Brazil's ruling party endorses female sucessor to Lula

Brazil's ruling left-wing party has endorsed chief minister Dilma Rousseff as its candidate for presidential elections in October. President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva cannot run for a third term under the country's constitution.
REUTERS - President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva's chief of staff on Saturday vowed to continue Brazil's investor-friendly economic policies if she won the Oct. 3 presidential race as the ruling Workers' Party candidate.

Speaking to the party's national convention in Brasilia after it formally endorsed her candidacy, Dilma Rousseff, 62, said she would maintain fiscal discipline, a free-floating exchange rate, and inflation targets -- the pillars of Lula's economic strategy.

"We will ensure macro-economic stability," Rousseff, a trained economist, told the party's delegates in the capital Brasilia. She added that she felt "totally prepared" to govern the country.

She would become the country's first female president, though two opinion polls released this month show her trailing conservative Sao Paulo state Governor Jose Serra of the opposition PSDB party by between 5 percent and 11 percent.

Lula, the most popular president in Brazil's recent history but prevented by law from running for a third consecutive term, said Rousseff's candidacy was not designed to hold his place for a possible return in 2014.

"I want her to win a second mandate," said Lula, a former union leader who virtually imposed Rousseff's candidacy on the Workers' Party that he founded 30 years ago. He said he chose her for her rigor, ethics and determination.

Brazil has during Lula's rule consolidated its position as one of the world's leading economies. It bounced back quickly from a brief recession last year and its economy is expected to grow by more than 5 percent this year.

The Workers' Party on Friday approved a campaign platform that proposes extending Lula's economic policies. But it also included proposals to expand the role of state enterprises, tax big wealth and expand social welfare programs.

Rousseff told chanting supporters that, as president, she would continue to expand the civil service despite warnings by opposition parties of the rising costs of maintaining a bloated and inefficient state bureaucracy.

Women vote

Lula, a union leader who rose from humble, working-class roots to the presidency, urged Brazilian women to support Rousseff in the election in an effort to battle deep-seated gender inequality in a country where few women have risen to high political office.

"Women are still treated like second-class citizens," Lula said.

His appeal resonated with some of the 3,000 delegates and others in attendance at the convention.

"It's high time for a woman president," said Cibele Figuereido, a 50-year old teacher and Rousseff supporter.

While an all-female percussion group gyrated its way through the flag-waving audience after Rousseff's speech, a small group of tattooed natives in traditional headdress protested against the government's Indian policy.

Rousseff must step down from her current post by April 3 in compliance with electoral law and will then have to negotiate with as many as 10 potential allied parties to forge a common campaign platform.

She said she wanted to continue working with Lula's current coalition, a group of 11 parties ranging from the far left to the political center.

"I want to form a government coalition," said Rousseff, who was a left-wing guerrilla militant during the country's 1964-85 military dictatorship.

Some analysts, however, say she lacks Lula's political savvy to manage often volatile party interests.

Unlike the folksy Lula, Rousseff is generally seen as uncharismatic and prone to technocratic speech, which pollsters say could lose her votes in a country where a candidate's personality may outweigh campaign issues.

"I think the biggest obstacle Dilma will face is that she lacks the ability to communicate with the people," said Romulo Carneiro, town mayor in the northeastern Ceara state.

Source by News Wires (text)/France24-News

Congresso do PT oficializa Dilma como pré-candidata à Presidência

Filiados e delegações do Partido dos Trabalhadores de todo país confirmaram neste sábado (20) a indicação da ministra-chefe da Casa Civil, Dilma Roussef, como pré-candidata única do PT ao Planalto nas eleições deste ano. O referendo aconteceu no terceiro dia do 4º Congresso do Partido dos Trabalhadores, que acontece em Brasília.



A chegada da ministra foi aplaudida de pé pelos mais de 1.300 pessoas. Na cerimônia, antes de Dilma ser convidada a subir no palco, foi realizada uma rápida apresentação musical, enquanto um grupo de mulheres montava um arranjo com flores do Cerrado, no estilo japonês, ikebana.

O presidente da Câmara dos Deputados e do PMDB, Michel Temer, participou do encontro. Ele chegou ao lado do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e da primeira-dama, Marisa Letícia. O presidente do PCdoB, Renato Rabelo, também estava presente.

"Foi me dada uma tarefa extremamente difícil: vir aqui para convencer vocês a votar na Dilma", disse Lula, irônico.

A mesa do evento foi composta pelo vice-presidente, José Alencar, ministros, senadores, governadores, representantes da Une (União Nacional dos Estudantes), Contag (Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura), CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores) e a Central dos Movimentos Populares.

A apresentação da candidatura sem concorrência interna repete a receita de 2006, quando não havia dúvidas de que o presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva sairia novamente pela legenda para apostar na reeleição.

No que se refere à rejeição do eleitorado à ideia de Dilma como candidata, a última pesquisa da CNT/Sensus identificou que este índice caiu: em novembro passado era de 34,4%, e em janeiro apontava 28,4%. Segundo o levantamento, houve uma redução pela metade na diferença entre ela e o possível pré-candidato do PSDB, o governador de São Paulo, José Serra: de 10,1% em novembro para 5,4% em janeiro. O tucano registrou 33,2% e a ministra teve 27,8% das intenções de votos na última pesquisa.

A candidata escolhida por Lula não terá de passar pelo mesmo que Lula viveu em 2002. Ele teve de ser submetido a uma prévia dentro do partido, em que concorreu com o senador por São Paulo, Eduardo Suplicy – que angariou cerca 15% dos votos.

Suplicy, que tem se envolvido em polêmicas nos últimos anos, foca no momento em uma outra briga: sair como pré-candidato ao governo de São Paulo. Podem fazer frente a ele nomes como o da ex-mulher e ex-prefeita de São Paulo, Marta Suplicy, do senador Aloizio Mercadante e do ex-ministro da Fazenda e deputado federal, Antônio Palocci. Também não estão descartados o ex-presidente da Câmara dos Deputados, Arlindo Chinaglia, o prefeito de Osasco, Emídio de Souza, e o ministro da Educação, Fernando Haddad.

Uma possibilidade ainda não rejeitada para ter apoio do partido em São Paulo é a do deputado da base aliada, Ciro Gomes (PSB-CE) que, em caso de apoiar a candidatura de Dilma em nível nacional, poderia ser o candidato do PSB para o governo paulista.
“Todos aceitaram a Dilma em consenso e, eu, em especial”, revelou o senador Eduardo Suplicy (SP). “Da minha parte, eu disse a Dilma Rousseff que compreendo os méritos que a fizeram ser a escolhida. E ela compreendeu a minha parte e o meu programa renda cidadã foi aprovado como emenda de aperfeiçoamento ao programa Bolsa-Família, pelo programa do PT”, completou.

O deputado federal José Genoíno, no entanto, ressaltou que “o programa do PT não é o programa de Dilma”, e sim parte dele.

Sobre a candidatura única, o deputado federal Ricardo Berzoini alegou que não houve inscritos e o consenso do partido fechou com o nome da ministra.

"Ela [Dilma] tem histórico de militância de esquerda, participou dos principais feitos do governo Lula. A candidatura única é uma mostra expressiva da unidade do PT”, defendeu Genoino.

Biografia
Mineira de Belo Horizonte, Dilma Vana Rousseff, ocupou a cadeira de ministra-chefe da Casa Civil desde a demissão de José Dirceu, em 2005, acusado de envolvimento no suposto mensalão pago por dirigentes do PT a parlamentares da base aliada do governo.

Ainda no governo Lula, foi ministra de Minas e Energia de 2003 a junho de 2005. Antes de filiar-se ao Partido dos Trabalhadores, em 2001, Dilma era do PDT. Nas décadas de 1980 e 1990 atuou no governo do Rio Grande do Sul, nas secretarias da Fazenda e de Energia, Minas e Comunicações, e nos governos de Alceu Collares (PDT) e Olívio Dutra (PT).

Na juventude, participou da luta armada contra a ditadura militar. Teve atuações como militante no Polop (Política Operária), no Colina (Comando de Libertação Nacional), e no VAR-Palmares (Vanguarda Armada Revolucionária Palmares). Foi torturada e ficou presa por quase três anos.

Source by Camila Campanerut Do UOL Notícias Em Brasíli

Jornal do Brasil - Carnaval 2010 - Unidos da Tijuca vence o Carnaval depois de 74 anos

Jornal do Brasil - Carnaval 2010 - Unidos da Tijuca vence o Carnaval depois de 74 anos

Source by Jornal do Brasil and Globo Vidios - G1

Carnaval São Paulo 2010 – Rosas de Ouro Campeã

Source by Globo News - Videos -

History of Carnival in Brazil

The origins of carnival date back to the ancient Greek spring festival in honor of Dionysus, the god of wine. The Romans adopted the celebration with Bacchanalia (feasts in honor of Bacchus, the Roman equivalent to Dionysus), and Saturnalia, where slaves and their masters would exchange clothes in a day of drunken revelry. Saturnalia was later modified by the Roman Catholic Church into a festival leading up Ash Wednesday. It quickly evolved into a massive celebration of indulgences - one last gasp of music, food, alcohol, and sex before Lent - before the 40 days of personal reflection, abstinence, and fasting until Easter (not exactly what the Church probably had in mind). 40 days of purging sins, preceded by a week filled with virtually every known sin. The word itself comes from Latin, "Carne Vale" or "Farewell to the Flesh".

Brazil - Rio de Janeiro

Rio's lavish carnival is one of the world's most famous. Scores of spectacular floats surrounded by thousands and thousands of dancers, singers, and drummers parade through the enormous Sambódromo Stadium dressed in elaborate costumes (or, quite often, with absolutely no costume.) It is an epic event televised around the world. The origin of Brazil's carnival goes back to a Portuguese pre-lent festivity called "entrudo", a chaotic event where participants threw mud, water, and food at each other in a street event that often led to riots (an event quite similar to today's Andean carnival - see Venezuelan section of this booklet). Rio's first masquerade carnival ball (set to polkas and waltzes) was in 1840. Carnival street parades followed a decade later with horse drawn floats and military bands. The sound closely associated with the Brazilian carnival, the samba, wasn't part of carnival until 1917. The samba is a mix of Angolan semba, European polka, African batuques, with touches of Cuban habanera and other styles. What we now know as samba is a result of the arrival of black Brazilians (primarily from Bahia) to the impoverished slums or favelas surrounding Rio following the abolition of slavery in Brazil in 1888.

Today the carnival is organized by the escolas de samba (samba schools). They first appeared in 1928. Much more than musical groups, they are in fact, neighborhood associations that provide a variety of community needs (such as educational and health care resources) in a country with grinding poverty and no social safety net.


Brazil - Salvador da Bahia

Salvador da Bahia was Brazil's first center of government (from 1549 to 1763), and remains its musical capital. For centuries, Bahia was home of the Portuguese sugar industry and slave trade. As a result, today Salvador is the largest center of African culture in the Americas. Amidst the colonial architecture and cobblestone streets, there is an unmistakeable beat of Bahian drumming. You can hear it in the stereo speakers and boomboxes blasting the latest Axê pop music. It becomes overwhelming when the large percussion ensembles (with literally hundreds of drummers) called "blocos Afros" take to the streets for carnival. It was a movement launched a half century ago by the group, Filhos de Gandhi (Sons of Gandhi). Today, there are countless blocos Afros that have taken on a new mission as part of the "negritude" movement to re-establish Black Pride. Olodum, Ara Ketu, Ilê Aiyé, Timbalada and the all women's drumming mega-group Dida all electrify Salvador every February during carnival. Olodum's Billy Arquimimo explains, "We started Olodum 20 years ago because at that time, black people used to be ashamed of their skin. We thought it was necessary to do something to re-establish Black Pride, and to redevelop African culture here in Bahia."

Like Rio, the city of Salvador is famous for its carnival. For both cities, it is an enormous festival leading up to Lent. That is where the similarities end. Rio is famous for its Samba schools, elaborate costumes (or at times no costumes), and a huge parade held at the Sambódromo Stadium. Salvador is Brazil's street carnival. It lasts for weeks. The music begins daily as early as noon and runs until 7 or 8 the next morning.

Bahian superstar Carlinhos Brown explains, "We play, not for money, but to celebrate happiness. Our carnival is a street carnival. It is for everyone, not just for those with money." In addition to the Blocos Afros, artists like Carlinhos Brown and Daniela Mercury perform on huge trucks, packed with loudspeakers called "trio electricos". These are the big tractor-trailer trucks packed with huge speakers. The tradition began in 1950 when two Bahian musicians, Dodo and Osmar, performed with their electric trio aboard a 1929 Ford pickup truck.. Even though there are regularly 20-40 bandmembers atop 18 wheeler mega-trucks today, the name "trio electrico" still sticks. Bahia's carnival is perhaps the world's largest public festivity, attracting crowds of three million that dance through the night in Salvador's historic colonial streets.



Source by Dan Rosenberg e NatiLight68 (youtube)

Brazil takes off - The Economist

Now the risk for Latin America’s big success story is hubris

WHEN, back in 2001, economists at Goldman Sachs bracketed Brazil with Russia, India and China as the economies that would come to dominate the world, there was much sniping about the B in the BRIC acronym. Brazil? A country with a growth rate as skimpy as its swimsuits, prey to any financial crisis that was around, a place of chronic political instability, whose infinite capacity to squander its obvious potential was as legendary as its talent for football and carnivals, did not seem to belong with those emerging titans.

Now that scepticism looks misplaced. China may be leading the world economy out of recession but Brazil is also on a roll. It did not avoid the downturn, but was among the last in and the first out. Its economy is growing again at an annualised rate of 5%. It should pick up more speed over the next few years as big new deep-sea oilfields come on stream, and as Asian countries still hunger for food and minerals from Brazil’s vast and bountiful land. Forecasts vary, but sometime in the decade after 2014—rather sooner than Goldman Sachs envisaged—Brazil is likely to become the world’s fifth-largest economy, overtaking Britain and France. By 2025 São Paulo will be its fifth-wealthiest city, according to PwC, a consultancy.


And, in some ways, Brazil outclasses the other BRICs. Unlike China, it is a democracy. Unlike India, it has no insurgents, no ethnic and religious conflicts nor hostile neighbours. Unlike Russia, it exports more than oil and arms, and treats foreign investors with respect. Under the presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a former trade-union leader born in poverty, its government has moved to reduce the searing inequalities that have long disfigured it. Indeed, when it comes to smart social policy and boosting consumption at home, the developing world has much more to learn from Brazil than from China. In short, Brazil suddenly seems to have made an entrance onto the world stage. Its arrival was symbolically marked last month by the award of the 2016 Olympics to Rio de Janeiro; two years earlier, Brazil will host football’s World Cup.

At last, economic sense
In fact, Brazil’s emergence has been steady, not sudden. The first steps were taken in the 1990s when, having exhausted all other options, it settled on a sensible set of economic policies. Inflation was tamed, and spendthrift local and federal governments were required by law to rein in their debts. The Central Bank was granted autonomy, charged with keeping inflation low and ensuring that banks eschew the adventurism that has damaged Britain and America. The economy was thrown open to foreign trade and investment, and many state industries were privatised.

All this helped spawn a troupe of new and ambitious Brazilian multinationals (see our special report). Some are formerly state-owned companies that are flourishing as a result of being allowed to operate at arm’s length from the government. That goes for the national oil company, Petrobras, for Vale, a mining giant, and Embraer, an aircraft-maker. Others are private firms, like Gerdau, a steelmaker, or JBS, soon to be the world’s biggest meat producer. Below them stands a new cohort of nimble entrepreneurs, battle-hardened by that bad old past. Foreign investment is pouring in, attracted by a market boosted by falling poverty and a swelling lower-middle class. The country has established some strong political institutions. A free and vigorous press uncovers corruption—though there is plenty of it, and it mostly goes unpunished.

Just as it would be a mistake to underestimate the new Brazil, so it would be to gloss over its weaknesses. Some of these are depressingly familiar. Government spending is growing faster than the economy as a whole, but both private and public sectors still invest too little, planting a question-mark over those rosy growth forecasts. Too much public money is going on the wrong things. The federal government’s payroll has increased by 13% since September 2008. Social-security and pension spending rose by 7% over the same period although the population is relatively young. Despite recent improvements, education and infrastructure still lag behind China’s or South Korea’s (as a big power cut this week reminded Brazilians). In some parts of Brazil, violent crime is still rampant.

National champions and national handicaps
There are new problems on the horizon, just beyond those oil platforms offshore. The real has gained almost 50% against the dollar since early December. That boosts Brazilians’ living standards by making imports cheaper. But it makes life hard for exporters. The government last month imposed a tax on short-term capital inflows. But that is unlikely to stop the currency’s appreciation, especially once the oil starts pumping.

Lula’s instinctive response to this dilemma is industrial policy. The government will require oil-industry supplies—from pipes to ships—to be produced locally. It is bossing Vale into building a big new steelworks. It is true that public policy helped to create Brazil’s industrial base. But privatisation and openness whipped this into shape. Meanwhile, the government is doing nothing to dismantle many of the obstacles to doing business—notably the baroque rules on everything from paying taxes to employing people. Dilma Rousseff, Lula’s candidate in next October’s presidential election, insists that no reform of the archaic labour law is needed (see article).

And perhaps that is the biggest danger facing Brazil: hubris. Lula is right to say that his country deserves respect, just as he deserves much of the adulation he enjoys. But he has also been a lucky president, reaping the rewards of the commodity boom and operating from the solid platform for growth erected by his predecessor, Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Maintaining Brazil’s improved performance in a world suffering harder times means that Lula’s successor will have to tackle some of the problems that he has felt able to ignore. So the outcome of the election may determine the speed with which Brazil advances in the post-Lula era. Nevertheless, the country’s course seems to be set. Its take-off is all the more admirable because it has been achieved through reform and democratic consensus-building. If only China could say the same.

SOURCE BY.: The Economist print edition, NOV 12TH 2009

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